Jean-Bédel Bokassa's Coronation: From Rags to Riches to Ruin

 Jean-Bédel Bokassa's Coronation: From Rags to Riches to Ruin

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Figure 1: Jean-Bedel Bokassa with Nicolae Ceausescu in 1970 (Fototeca online a comunismului românesc, #Z260).

Early Life:

Jean-Bédel Bokassa was born on 22nd February 1921 in Boubangui within French Equatorial Africa (Titley, 1997, p.6; Baccard, 1987, pp.15-16). His father, Mindogon Mgboundoulou, was the chief of the village, who had twelve children - including Bokassa - and was forced to work for the French Forestière Company (Titley, 1997, p.6). After initially supporting the French, the Karnu Revolt against the French involved some men from his village, and he sought to free them from the Forestière Company (Titley, 1997, p.6). This was considered an act of rebellion by the French Forestière, who subsequently captured Mindogon and beat him to death in 1927, with Bokassa's mother committing suicide a week later (Appiah & Gates, 1999, p.278). 

Figure 2: Jean-Bédel Bokassa in 1939, aged 18 (Jean-Bedel Bokassa à 18 ans, 2006).

As an orphan aged six years old, it was decided by his extended family that a French education would be most beneficial for Bokassa. It was during this education that he read grammar books by an author named Bédel, which led to the name 'Bédel' being given to Bokassa by his teachers due to his attachment to the books (Titley, 1997, p.8). He graduated from school at the age of eighteen, during which he suffered bullying from being an orphan, and was looking for opportunities to work. Fortunately, for Bokassa, the outbreak of the Second World War and the fall of France to Nazi Germany brought about an opportunity for French colonial territories to resist the collaborationist sectors under the Vichy Regime (Titley, 1997, p.8). Ubangi-Shari, modern-day Central African Republic, was incorporated into the Free French resistance against the Vichy regime on the 29th August 1940 (Sangster, 2017, p.304).

Figure 3: Free French Africa Territories from 1940 are shown in brown (Chemins de mémoire, n.d.).

Bokassa saw action in the 1944 landings in Provence and some action in Germany before the Nazi regime fell (Appiah & Gates, 1999, p.278). During the war, Bokassa was promoted to corporal in July 1940, sergeant in November 1941 and eventually the highest rank of captain after the war in 1961 (Titley, 1997, pp. 9-10). After the Second World War, Bokassa was redeployed in French-controlled Indochina during a period of fierce unrest under foreign colonial rule. The territories of Indochina would eventually secure the independence of Laos, Cambodia and Vietnam. Bokassa himself was lucky to narrowly avoid the bloody Vietnamese siege of Dien Bien Phu, where thousands of Frenchmen died in the final actions of the war (Titley, 1997, p. 9). Bokassa's military experience would be significant in the subsequent decolonised French colonies in Africa, which would see him rise to power in a military coup d'état.

Independence and Coup d'état:

Independence for the Central African Republic was formally granted on the 13th August 1960 after a period of greater autonomy was given to the other states of French Equatorial Africa, including: Chad, the Republic of the Congo, the Central African Republic (CAR) and Gabon (Whiteman, 1963, p.575). The first President of the newly independent Central African Republic was one of Bokassa's cousins, David Dacko, who was supported by the French government. Furthermore, Bokassa was the nephew of Dacko's predecessor, Barthélémy Boganda, leader of the semi-autonomous French Community before he died in 1958 (Chirot, 1994, pp.378-379). Due to Bokassa's military experience and close family connections, Dacko appointed Bokassa commander-in-chief of the Central African army on the 1st February 1963 (Titley, 1997, p.23).

Figure 4: Stamp of the first President of the Central African Republic, David Dacko (Delrieu, 1962).

Bokassa, due to his close relationship with the President, rose through the ranks of the military and became the nation's first and only colonel (Titley, 1997, p.23). The Presidency of Dacko was mired in economic turmoil, lack of resources and businesses dominated by the former colonial power, the French (Chirot, 1994, p.380). Dacko had no other alternative but to continually ask for more French aid, but was denied. Seeing the desperation of the situation worsen, Dacko pleaded with other European countries and the People's Republic of China for further assistance in the struggling economy, before the country's bankruptcy was imminent (Chirot, 1994, p.380; Titley, 1997, p.25). Dacko, additionally, became more authoritarian in his role as President by banning opposition political parties from participating in elections in 1960 (Kalck, 1971, p.123). The French, now realising the fragility of Dacko's position and the potential rise in Communist sympathies, organised a plot to overthrow Dacko in a coup d'état. 

The preferred candidate to take over from Dacko was Colonel Jean-Bédel Bokassa, whom the French saw as a more cooperative figure. Dacko, despite numerous military coup d'états occurring in Africa during this period, underestimated the seriousness of the threat to his position as President. At an official dinner with foreign diplomats in 1965, Dacko stated that 'Colonel Bokassa only wants to collect medals' and that 'he is too stupid to pull off a coup d'etat.' (Titley, 1997, p. 24). Bokassa saw the opportunity to become President of the CAR as a contingency to fulfil his long desire for wealth, power and remove the supposed presence of Communism (Titley, 1997, p. 24). Slowly seeing the threat to his position, Dacko sent Bokassa to the Bastille Day parades in Paris in 1965 and subsequently forbade his return upon its conclusion, only to reconsider after French pressure. 

Figure 5: President David Dacko in an interview on the 8th February 1961. (Institut national de l'audiovisuel, 1961).

The growing tensions made it almost certain that a military coup d'état would occur. Bokassa gained the crucial support of Alexandre Banza, the commander of the Camp Kassaï military base near the capital, Bangui. On New Year's Eve 1965, Jean-Izamo, Chief of Police and plotter of a separate coup d'état, invited Bokassa to a party to celebrate the New Year. Bokassa was informed that Izamo intended to arrest Bokassa at this event, and alternatively asked Izamo to come to the military base Camp de Roux to sign some urgent documents. Once Izmano arrived, at around seven o'clock, he was placed under arrest. The army, led by Banza, entered the administrative district of the capital, Bangui, and surrounded the Presidential Palace by around 11 o'clock. Dacko tried to flee the Presidential Palace, but was spotted and arrested shortly afterwards. Dacko was ordered to relinquish all his powers to Bokassa at around 3:20 (Kalck, 1971, p.153).

Figure 6: Bokassa in an interview on the 14th January 1966, after the coup d'etat (Blanchet, 1966).

Jean-Bédel Bokassa had now achieved his aim of becoming the new President of the Central African Republic (CAR). However, despite Dacko's removal from power, the problems facing the Central African Republic did not cease to exist. Bokassa established false promises of democratisation in the CAR, quelled opposition to his rule and began to spend extravagantly for his personal gain (Titley, 1994, pp.35 & 41). After uncovering a plot by Alexandre Banza to coup Bokassa in 1969, Bokassa declared himself President for Life in 1972 and continued to erode any opposition to his rule (Titley, 1994, p.43; Chirot, 1994, p.396). 

Bokassa was continually supported by France during his tenure as President, with French President Valéry Giscard d'Estaing enjoying a very close relationship with Bokassa. State visits included hunting in the savannah, which Giscard controlled vast swathes of (Titley, 1994, pp.70-71). The French also had control over the vitally important uranium deposits that were crucial to French nuclear power operations across the country (Kalck, 1971, p.169). It was important, therefore, that Giscard keep a close diplomatic and personal relationship with Bokassa despite the shift towards authoritarianism. 

Figure 7: French President Valéry Giscard d'Estaing in 1975 (Lambiotte, 1975, European Council).

Coronation:

The ambitions of being President of the Central African Republic (CAR) did not quell the eagerness of Bokassa for more influence in the country. Bokassa's longtime role model and inspiration was Napoleon Bonaparte, whom he desperately wished to replicate his coronation of in 1804 (Crabb, 1978, p.27). The coronation for Bokassa was scheduled for the 4th December 1977, exactly a year after the proclamation of the Central African Empire (CAE) (Titley, 1994, p.85). The grandiose event cost the nation dearly, roughly one-quarter to one-third of the national budget and all the French aid received for 1977 (Chirot, 1994, p.398). The coronation displayed jewelled encased crowns, golden-eagle thrones, horses and carriages, feasts and more. What the coronation lacked was the international recognition that Bokassa craved. Invitations were sent out to world leaders, monarchs and religious leaders like Pope Paul VI, who was intended to preside over the crowning ceremony like Napoleon had done with Pope Pius VII 174 years earlier (Titley, 1994, p.92). In fact, all the world leaders who were invited refused to attend the coronation, even the French President Valéry Giscard d'Estaing, which highlighted the unpopularity and divisiveness that the coronation had caused on an international and domestic level. 

Video 1: Footage from Bokassa's coronation from Werner Herzog's Echoes from a Sombre Empire (1990).

Video 2: Footage from Bokassa's Coronation from the Sensational Seventies (Righe, 1979).

The total cost for the coronation is estimated $20 million in 1977, which translates to over $100 million in the present day when taking into account the rise in inflation (TIME, 1979; Titley, 1997, p.91; CPI Inflation Calculator, n.d.).

Coronation Event Items:

• Golden Eagle throne: $2.5 million
• Emperor's costume: $145,000
• Crown: $2.5 million
• All the crowns, including the sceptre, sword and other accessories: $5 million
• Sixty new Mercedes-Benzes (air freight charge at around $5,000 per car)
• 240 tonnes of food and drink from Europe
• 40,000 bottles of wine
• 24,000 bottles of champagne
• Jewels and diamonds 

(Titley, 1997, pp.91-92)

Figure 8: Imperial Flag of the Central African Empire (Wikimedia Commons, 2011).

Downfall:

For the impoverished country, the amount of money spent on the coronation rightfully caused discontent within the newly formed empire. Bokassa violently quelled the increased opposition to his rule, including a massacre of schoolchildren in April 1979 that would ultimately end his short-lived empire. Bokassa decreed in January 1979 that all schoolchildren must wear school uniforms and mandated that they be purchased from the factory that he owned (Chirot, 1994, p.398). Unsurprisingly, many schoolchildren and their parents could not afford the new uniforms due to the vast amount of poverty within the country, much of which was brought about by Bokassa. Protests against the new ruling were widespread, with several hundred children of middle-class civil servants who had not been paid joining the protests (Shoumatoff, 1988, p.116). Bokassa ordered soldiers to open fire on the protesters, killing dozens of children and causing further unrest against his rule (Shoumatoff, 1988, p.116; New York Times, 30 September 1979, p.15). 

The climax to anti-government demonstrations came in April 1979 when a further protest led to hundreds of schoolchildren being arrested in the Ngaragba Prison. Within the prison, the children suffered extremely harsh conditions, beatings and bayonetting (Chirot, 1994, p.398). Over one hundred children died in the prison, with Bokassa supposedly participating in beatings using his ivory-encrusted cane (likely similar to the one in figure 8) to kill some of the children and proclaiming, 'I'll teach you to shout Death to the Emperor.' (Shoumatoff, 1988, p.117; New York Times, 30 September 1979, p.15).

Figure 9: Bokassa with a cane in 1978. (Associated Press, 1978).

By now, Bokassa's foreign image was irreparably damaged, with once loyal backers like French President Giscard turning against him. The French government had now concluded that Bokassa had outrun his usefulness, and a coup d'état was prepared to overthrow Bokassa. France cut their $25 million a year aid budget to the CAE a month prior to the coup, signalling its growing dissatisfaction with the repression that Bokassa had engaged in (New York Times, 21 September 1979, p.1). 

The coup d'état, named Operation Barracuda, was launched on the 19th September 1979 with the French 1st Marine Infantry Parachute Regiment taking control of the capital Bangui whilst Bokassa was on a state visit in Libya (Shoumatoff, 1988, p.117). David Dacko was informed of the bloodless coup d'état and was flown to Bangui to be the new President of the Central African Republic. 

Figure 10: Stamp depicting Bokassa's statue being toppled and a second with a bayonet through Bokassa's crown (Colnect, 1981).

The Wider Context of Africa:

The sixth President of the Central African Republic, François Bozizé, stated in 2010 that Bokassa was 'a son of the nation recognised by all as a great builder' and that 'He [Bokassa] built the country but we have destroyed what he built' (BBC, 2010). Bozizé, ironically, came to power in a military coup, which resulted in a civil war that is still ongoing as of 2025. The instability surrounding the Central African Republic and other African states can be traced back to the flawed governments that these nations were established under, and the normalcy in which coup d'états occur. 

Figure 11: François Bozizé, President of the Central African Republic from 2003 to 2013 (hdptcar, 2007).

Since independence from France in 1960, there have been five successful coup d'états and five unsuccessful attempts to overthrow the government of the Central African Republic (University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign, 2024). The quantity of these coups highlights the historical political instability of the CAR alongside the general contexts surrounding post-colonial Africa. Through the pretext of anti-communism, the Cold War saw a large number of foreign-backed coup d'états from former colonial powers and the two main superpowers, the Soviet Union and the United States. The autocratic regimes that took over these nations were often repressive and highly corrupt. 

As for Bokassa, he may not have been as deadly as other African leaders like Uganda's Idi Amin, but his greed, extravagance and corruption culminated in a textbook case of kleptocracy. Kleptocracies are defined by their corruption and personal greed of the ruler, or kleptocrat. This has been perfectly portrayed by Bokassa's coronation and his charges of embezzlement, in which he sought to accumulate a large personal wealth that the behest of his own population. The popular uprising against Bokassa served as an important lesson to other autocratic leaders like Mobutu Sese Seko in Zaire.

Mobutu, a kleptocrat like Bokassa, prioritised his own personal wealth over his own people, but recognised the potential fragility of his position if he went too far. Similarly to Bokassa, Mobutu rose through the military ranks and launched a coup d'état against the democratically elected leader, Patrice Lumumba (Weissman, 2014, p.16). Mobutu continued to create a cult of personality around himself and amassed wealth and titles at the behest of the population of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and then the renamed Zaire. The authority that Mobutu had over Zaire was not so dissimilar to that of an Emperor like Bokassa, but in this respect, Mobutu understood the dangers of referring to himself as one. When Mobutu refused to attend Bokassa's coronation, Bokassa interpreted this as him being 'jealous of me because I had an empire and they didn't' (Titley, 1997, p.92). Though this could possibly be true, they also recognised the potential fragility of their rule if kleptocrats, like Mobutu, exposed the stealing of wealth from their people. That is what separated Bokassa's unpredictable nature, which ultimately doomed him, from other, more meticulous rulers who continued their grip on power. Despite this, however, Mobutu was still removed from power in a popular uprising over his blatant stealing of the national wealth that was not given back to the people. So in this instance, in not crowning himself Emperor, Mobutu did extend his rule, but was arguably still doomed due to the nature of his greed.

Figure 12: Mobutu's abandoned Palace (Smith, 2015).

Bokassa's Fate (Extra Context):

It was eventually decided that Bokassa would be exiled in Côte d'Ivoire, who still naively believed he still had the popular support of the people. Bokassa ultimately attempted to return to Bangui in 1983, but was caught and ordered to leave the country by President Félix Houphouët-Boigny (Titley, 1997, p.170). Bokassa's attempt to return to the Central African Republic, mirroring Napoleon's return from Elba, had spectacularly failed, with him now, begrudgingly, living in the Chateau Hardricourt in France (Shoumatoff, 1988, p.119). Even still, Bokassa continued to try and return to Bangui, despite being tried in absentia to death on counts of embezzling diamonds and massacring children (Shoumatoff, 1988, p.118). 

After some planned attempts to return to Bangui, Bokassa successfully returned to Bangui. Bokassa had done this by covertly leaving the chateau with his family and driving to Brussels. From there, he boarded a flight to Rome, where he was not recognised, and then boarded a flight to Brazzaville, which had a stopover at Bangui (Titley, 1997, p.179). Unfortunately, for Bokassa, he was recognised by fellow passengers, but even still, once the plane had landed, people shouted: 'It's Bokassa! [...] The boss is back!' and 'To the presidency!' (Titley, 1997, p.180). 

The celebrations, however, were short-lived, with Bokassa being swiftly arrested soon after with his wife, Augustine, being sent back to Paris (Shoumatoff, 1988, p.120). A new trial was scheduled in 1986, with Bokassa being indicted on 14 charges, including murder, embezzlement of state funds and procuring human flesh for cannibalism (Knappman, 1997, p.438). Bokassa was found guilty of many of the cases on the 12th June 1987 and was sentenced to death. However, President Kolingba, in opposing the ruling, barred capital punishment in the Central African Republic in 1988 (Knappman, 1997, p.440). Bokassa's sentence was commuted to life imprisonment, where he was released in 1993 on the grounds of poor health and died three years later of a heart attack, aged 75 (Titley, 1997, p.207).

Figure 13: Bokassa at his trial (Thomson, 2009).

Glossary and Abbreviations:

CAR: Central African Republic

CAE: Central African Empire

DRC: Democratic Republic of the Congo

In absentia: Tried whilst absent

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